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可再生燃料标准:前进之路THE RENEWABLE FUEL STANDARD: A PATH FORWARD 可再生燃料标准:前进之路THE RENEWABLE FUEL STANDARD: A PATH FORWARD

可再生燃料标准:前进之路THE RENEWABLE FUEL STANDARD: A PATH FORWARD

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  • 更新时间:2021-09-19
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美国的可再生能源政策正处于十字路口。一些人嘲笑可再生燃料标准(RFS)是一项效率低下的计划,它推高了燃料供应商的成本,并对加油站的驾驶者构成威胁,而另一些人则坚持认为,这是一个有价值的工具,可以减少美国对外国石油的依赖,而外国石油也将在应对气候变化的斗争中支付未来的红利。RFS最初于2005年制定,并在2007年的《能源独立与安全法》(EISA)中得到扩展,旨在通过增加必须与运输燃料混合的可再生燃料数量,减少温室气体排放和美国对石油进口的依赖。部分原因是由于RFS,从2007年到2013年,美国地面运输燃料供应中的可再生燃料数量翻了一番多。但是,尽管RFS的双重气候和能源安全目标仍然像EISA颁布时一样有效,但今天RFS面临着多重挑战。目前的第一代生物燃料主要使用粮食作物作为原料,与石油燃料相比,它们要么价格昂贵,要么温室气体排放量略有改善。低温室气体第二代生物燃料的开发和商业化对该计划的最终成功至关重要,但远远没有达到《环境影响报告书》中提出的非常雄心勃勃的目标。此外,许多汽车仅限于使用乙醇(占主导地位的生物燃料)含量不超过10%的汽油,即所谓的E10混合墙,2013年,美国燃料供应中的乙醇量达到了E10高原。因此,RFS,以及更普遍的美国生物燃料政策,已经到了一个关键时刻,一些能源行业的领导人和政策制定者呼吁改革甚至推翻RFS。然而,向低碳交通部门转型的挑战依然存在,如果说由于汽油价格低以及可能伴随的消费增长,任何事情变得更加困难和紧迫的话。由于征收碳税的第一个最佳选择,再加上前期大量的研发资金,在政治上仍不太可能实现,因此,通过支持广泛的低碳技术研究和投资,保持选择的开放性非常重要。 本文考察了RFS的经济性,以了解其自2013年以来所面临的挑战,并对RFS和美国生物燃料政策目前面临的选择进行了批判性的审视。简言之,RFS是对石油燃料的征税,是对可再生燃料的纠正性补贴。从经济学角度讲,当一种燃料产生的成本(即外部性)超过另一种燃料而不是由其使用者承担时,这种制度是合理的。这里就是这样:可再生燃料既减少了对外国石油的依赖,又比石油燃料产生更少的温室气体排放。根据RFS,对可再生燃料的补贴通过RFS合规许可证市场运作,这种许可证被称为可再生标识号(rin)。RIN价格的基本驱动因素是可再生燃料的生产价格和销售价格之间的差异,在给定的可再生燃料法定数量下。由于RINs可以存入银行,因此RIN价格不仅取决于本年度的基本补贴价值,还取决于对未来基本补贴价值的预期。这些当前和未来的补贴价值又取决于经济因素,例如石油价格和生产生物燃料的成本,以及目前和未来关于燃料供应中可再生燃料数量(或比例)的RFS政策。

America’s renewable fuels policy is at a crossroads. The Renewable Fuel Standard (RFS) is derided by some as an inefficient program that is driving up costs for fuel suppliers and a threat to motorists at the pumps, while others insist it is a valuable tool to reduce US dependence on foreign oil that will also pay future dividends in the fight against climate change. Developed initially in 2005 and expanded in the Energy Independence and Security Act (EISA) of 2007, the RFS seeks to reduce both greenhouse gas emissions and US dependence on oil imports by establishing increasing quantities of renewable fuels that must be blended into transportation fuels. In part because of the RFS, the volume of renewable fuels in the US surface transportation fuel supply more than doubled from 2007 to 2013. But even though the twin climate and energy security goals of the RFS remain as valid as when the EISA was enacted, today the RFS is facing multiple challenges. The current first-generation biofuels mainly use food crops as feedstock and are either expensive or have modest GHG improvements over petroleum fuels. The development and commercialization of low greenhouse gas second-generation biofuels— critical to the ultimate success of the program—has fallen far short of the very ambitious goals laid out in the EISA. Moreover, many cars are limited to gasoline with at most 10% ethanol (the dominant biofuel)—the so-called E10 blend wall—and in 2013 the amount of ethanol in the US fuel supply reached the E10 plateau. As a result, the RFS, and US biofuels policy more generally, has reached a critical point at which some energy industry leaders and policy makers have called for it to be reformed or even overturned. Yet the challenge of transitioning to a lowcarbon transportation sector remains, and if anything is made both more difficult and more pressing because of low gasoline prices and the likely associated increase in consumption. Because the first-best option of a carbon tax combined with substantial early-stage research and development funding remains politically unlikely, it is important to keep options open by supporting research and investment in a wide range of low-carbon technologies. This paper examines the economics of the RFS in order to understand the challenges it has faced since 2013 and takes a critical look at the choices currently facing the RFS and US biofuels policy. In brief, the RFS serves as a tax on petroleum fuels and a corrective subsidy to renewable fuels. As a matter of economics, such a system is justified when one of the fuels generates more costs not borne by its users (i.e. externalities) than does the other fuel. That is the case here: renewable fuels both reduce dependence on foreign oil and generate less greenhouse gas emissions than do petroleum fuels. Under the RFS, the subsidy to renewable fuels operates through the market for RFS compliance permits, which are called Renewable Identification Numbers (RINs). The fundamental driver of RIN prices is the difference in the price at which a renewable fuel can be produced and the price at which it can be sold, at a given mandated volume of the renewable fuel. Because RINs can be banked, the RIN price depends not only on this fundamental subsidy value in the current year, but on expectations of future fundamental subsidy values. These current and future subsidy values in turn depend on economic factors, such as the price of oil and the cost of producing biofuels, as well as on current and future RFS policy about the volume (or fraction) of renewable fuels in the fuel supply.

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